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In this article, Arcana Dasi (Alice Schumann) looks at the
road ISKCON Germany has travelled since the 1994 Wiesbaden conference.
At Wiesbaden, several principles for change were established, such
as the need for self-critical analysis; the need for social in-tegration;
a willingness to engage in dialogue; and a recognition of ISKCON's
need to fulfil its educational mission. Arcana Dasi examines where
ISKCON Germany is today in relation to the Wiesbaden principles,
and notes the issues facing the Society in Germany after the recent
fall of its most prominent leader. This article is a milestone in
the self-analysis of a national ISKCON branch. The paper was initially
given as a speech at a 1999 conference in Cologne marking thirty
years of ISKCON in Germany.
In 1994 the Academy of Vaisnava Culture organised a conference
in Wiesbaden (Rückblick und Ausblick / Retrospect and Prospects).
This conference was a significant landmark in the history of ISKCON
Germany because for the first time ISKCON members publicly and honestly
addressed issues of social concern as perceived by those outside
of our tradition.
A number of principles were outlined at this conference, principles
that would enable ISKCON to function effectively in society and
that would reflect the changing face of ISKCON itself.
A major principle was the need for social integration. It was
found that we need to improve our relationship with the public and
to understand that this relationship would have to be based on mutual
understanding and co-operation if it were to endure. This principle
of co-operation would particularly apply to the basic building block
of society - the family. ISKCON would have to recognise the importance
of spiritually oriented families as well as the concern of family
members who are not ISKCON devotees themselves.
Another principle, a necessary by-product of the first, is the
need for dialogue with the wider community. Such dialogue can exist
only if ISKCON members give the same appreciation and respect for
members of others faiths and cultures that they would want for themselves.
This is an opportunity to learn and to teach.
Self-critical analysis was also a major principle: the need for
ISKCON to have a long and honest look at itself and where it is
going. How do we address pressing issues, such as sexual and other
types of discrimination? What is the role of the temple and who
should (or should not) be living there? How are the material needs
of our members being met and to what extent is it our responsibility
as a society to meet them? As a subset of a wider society, ISKCON
needs to address these and many other questions; at Wiesbaden it
was acknowledged that this would best be achieved by honest reflection
and discussion.
A need to fulfil our role as an educational organisation was also
accepted at the Wiesbaden conference. It was recognised that ISKCON
was becoming more of a congregational movement than a temple-based
communal movement. Therefore the role of the temple would need to
change from that of a home to all devotees to that of a centre for
devotion, training and communication - a facility for the ISKCON's
new majority, the congregation.
Five years later we ask: What progress has been made in ISKCON's
development of society, culture and identity? In what sense has
ISKCON Germany actually realised its need for social integration?
Have the projections and proposed principles of Wiesbaden become
reality? Will they make for significant changes in the comparatively
young Society in Germany?
Since the Wiesbaden conference much appreciation has been shown
for the declarations of ISKCON's representatives and for the open
analysis of its past by devotees and scholars. However, many also
believe that it still remains for ISKCON to show that it can turn
good intentions into practical action.
I will examine here how ISKCON has responded to challenges to
these principles when circumstances have forced it to face adversity.
Education
The role of education in ISKCON continues to shape the future of
the society since Wiesbaden. The direction outlined in the Wiesbaden
conference concerning education within and outside of ISKCON has
been generally realised over the last five years, and ISKCON's culture
of education has been strengthened.
In 1997 ISKCON's role as an institution with a primary focus on
education was confirmed when its German National Council (NC) agreed
to take the Vaisnava Training & Education (1)
(VTE) Teachers' Training Courses. The rationale behind this was
that the experience of teaching and being taught would help ISKCON's
management make education-friendly decisions for ISKCON. The example
set by ISKCON's leaders would also inspire other members to take
education more seriously.
By aligning itself with the VTE and the ISKCON Ministry of Educational
Development (2) (MED), ISKCON
Germany has linked itself to international developments in education
in the Vaisnava community. The VTE team is developing courses, including
Teacher Training, Management and Leadership, Communications, Missionary
Practice, Scripture, Pastoral Care and Care for the Sick & Dying.
Many of these courses are being developed in Oxford, England,
where the VTE has its base. By working in co-operation with British
educational consultants and government agencies, the VTE is working
towards official accreditation for many of its courses.
As stated in the Wiesbaden conference, ISKCON centres and temples
are places of mission and of worship for the community.(3)
In Germany the educational role is being concentrated in one or
two temples, which are developing into the country's first Vaisnava
Theological Schools. To qualify for entrance for residential (asrama)
training, members go through preliminary examinations and interviews.
The duration of their stay in the temple is dictated by the length
of their educational course. After their course of education most
are expected and encouraged to return to their homes and employment
or occupational education.
Selected students are offered training for ministry, and of those
who qualify from the two-year ministerial training course, some
are offered staff positions as teachers, tutors, priests or administrators
in the temples. Thus permanent temple staff accept a vocational
position while the missionary spirit of the preacher is still being
encouraged in each and every ISKCON member. The membership being
considered here includes both a lay and a clerical congregation.
This focus on education is revolutionising the way ISKCON sees
itself and the way it plans its future recruitment and training
programmes. It is also a natural extension of ISKCON's policy of
social integration.
ISKCON Meeting Society
The vast majority of ISKCON's members have never lived in temples,
left their employment or interrupted their education. The old image
of the Hare Krsna devotee leaving education or employment to live
in the temple, without the approval of parents, family members or
friends, is now a thing of the past. There will continue to be difficulties,
as there are always difficulties in family relationships and in
conflicts of values and ambition; but significantly, ISKCON's recruitment
and educational models will not contradict norms of behaviour accepted
by the majority in German society.
Missionary research and practice is now concentrating on ministry
and pastoral care of the Society's many lay members. Issues of care
for the sick and dying are becoming relevant as are the care for
the old and infirm. The need for health insurance and pension provision
are important considerations for many members, and ISKCON has undertaken
such developments for the good of the community.
As ISKCON's community develops, it begins to look more like a
regular Vaisnava or Hindu community. The family institution is greatly
valued and respected in Hindu or Vedic tradition and so too in ISKCON.
The concerns of many parents of our first members have become the
concerns of many of our present members, who are themselves parents.
Thus, even though many of our German members do not have parents
or a family who share our faith, we have worked over the last five
years to increase and improve communication between family members
associated with our tradition.
Devotees have attempted to facilitate the needs and concerns of
ISKCON members and their families through a magazine for parents
(Elternforum - Parents Forum) and regular nation-wide parents meetings.
In order to broaden the dialogue, speakers at such meetings include
non-ISKCON scholars and representatives of Christian churches. These
efforts are proving successful and are useful in developing understanding
and genuine respect among families. They also centre attention on
the need for good family relationships and on social concerns rather
than theological or cultural differences.
ISKCON culture has changed to the extent that the position of
women is now an important and open issue. The question of equal
rights, (a question that is certainly not adequately answered in
German society as a whole) has naturally developed with both women
and men holding leading positions in administrative and spiritual
roles. In spite of the advancement ISKCON Germany has made in this
field, the age-old differences and difficulties recognised in communication
and behaviour between men and women, as found in all cultures and
religions, continue to baffle us, and I suspect they will always
do so.
The Issue of 'Guruism' in ISKCON Germany
One of the main criticisms made of ISKCON in Germany is in relation
to the so-called 'guru-cult' or 'guruism'. The concept of guru is
important in Vaisnavism and Hinduism, and we feel it has been grossly
misrepresented and maligned over the last thirty years by representatives
of the media and the Christian churches.
The particular analysis presented by the churches in Germany seems
to be unique to this country. In many cases it seems that church
members have looked at the guru concept solely in the light of their
own theological tradition, its values and social norms. These norms
and values do not serve well to understand Eastern cultures and
religions and are generally used to undermine them. In short, the
analysis is a Christian one and cannot be used to faithfully represent
the viewpoint of the Vaisnava or Hindu traditions. Thus this approach
excludes the possibility of an open and sincere dialogue.
By propagation of a distorted image of the guru, as one who demands
absolute submission and who has total control over his followers,
a prejudice has developed which perpetuates stereotypes of Hare
Krsna devotees and members of many other Hindu groups as misguided
victims of dangerous sects. Followers of gurus are supposedly not
allowed to retain their discrimination or critical faculty. This
is a misconception that greatly inhibits dialogue.
The misunderstanding has not only been one way. Some ISKCON members
have also adopted the impression that the guru is a messiah or an
oracle giving advice on each and every issue in the disciple's life.
There has been abuse of the guru-disciple relationship by many parties
and this area of philosophy and its application in ISKCON is in
need of careful examination and re-evaluation. However, this process
will not be successfully executed by interpretative religious encounter
or in the media.
An important and definitive test of the guru's role, and of the
extent of his power over his disciples, came for ISKCON Germany
between June and September 1998.
Harikesa Swami (aka Visnupada) had been the undisputed managerial
authority and spiritual leader in ISKCON Germany since the passing
of ISKCON's founder, A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, in 1977.
Harikesa was the Governing Body Commissioner (GBC) for Germany and
for many years the only guru allowed to initiate in Germany. Most
of ISKCON Germany's second generation(4)
were disciples of Harikesa. Harikesa's autocratic management style
had been criticised by ISKCON members outside of Germany for many
years, but within Germany it was seldom openly questioned.
In June 1998, shortly after accepting the position of Chairman
of the international GBC, Harikesa began to manifest irrational
behaviour. Furthermore, he gave up his vows of celibacy (sannyasa)
and resigned from most of his official positions. Over the next
few months he began to disassociate himself from ISKCON, advocating
a philosophy that deviates from Vaisnava morality and values. Those
whose perception of guru is that of a dangerous manipulator would
expect that in such a situation the faithful disciples would either
follow their guru blindly or lose their faith and begin a painful
return to 'normal life'.
In general, neither of these occurred. Most of Harikesa's disciples
rejected him and chose to stay with the teachings, principles and
values of ISKCON's founder. The test, unwelcome as it was, proved
the reality of the disciples' position to be one of individual choice
of values and lifestyle, not blind following and immorality.
This case has significantly sped up the practical development
of the Wiesbaden principles. The lid has been lifted off the pot
and a more thoughtful and independent atmosphere has gained acceptance
within ISKCON Germany. Devotees are reassessing their own relationship
to the philosophy of Krsna consciousness and the relationship between
their personal needs and ISKCON the institution. The idea that disciples
are directed from above, without individual choice, by an all-powerful
and absolute guru figure has been seriously discredited.
In an official media release, which was issued immediately after
the suspension of Harikesa by the international GBC, one disciple
said, 'The present situation is very sad. However, under these circumstances
I do not want to support my guru, as he is questioning the basic
teachings of the tradition.'
This case invites serious study and strengthens the argument that
observers should engage in direct encounter with ISKCON rather than
interpretative encounter. The affair has also prompted more and
more of ISKCON's members to consider the social integration of Vaisnavism
into German society a high priority. Consequently, open discussion
and reassessment of social and philosophical issues have become
the norm among ISKCON's members.
The German Government's Commission of Inquiry
The Commission of Inquiry (1995-1997) established by the German
Government was the most important test of ISKCON's resolve to implement
the Wiesbaden principles.
The Commission's existence resulted in deep controversy and ultimately
great changes within the movement. For some within the management
of ISKCON Germany, the Commission represented a threat, to which
an aggressive response seemed most appropriate. Others felt that
the old paradigms and responses, which bordered on extremism and
which had been rejected at Wiesbaden, should be replaced with the
risk of dialogue.
For instance, when ISKCON was invited to present itself before
a hearing in the Bundestag, there was a debate within ISKCON's German
National Council about who should represent ISKCON or even if we
should go there at all. While some took the view that the entire
Commission of Inquiry should be rejected as prejudiced because of
having representatives of the Christian churches as members, others
perceived a real opportunity to develop a discourse with society.
The latter course was chosen by the German National Council. It
was a risk because it was uncharted water and there were few guidelines,
except for the principle of open two-way communication and dialogue
to which the NC committed itself in 1994.
The question of choosing ISKCON's representatives to the Commission
proved interesting. If they were to represent the reality of ISKCON
in Germany then they must represent the householders, who make up
96% of its membership and at least one woman (women comprising about
half the membership).
This kind of representation was a marked departure from the previous
culture of ISKCON which dictated that a hierarchy of spiritual status,
institutional seniority and maleness should decide the issue.
It was decided that my colleague from Berlin, Harivallabha Dasi,
a wife, a mother and the current Secretary of ISKCON Germany; Parivadi
Dasa, a married man and a member of the Communications team; and
myself should go to the hearing. These choices proved successful
and the dialogue with the Commission of Inquiry continued during
the entire period of the Commission. Speaking personally, I found
that the opportunity to develop a real dialogue and to respond frankly
to frank questions was a great relief. I was pleased to be able
to present the facts, objectively and without prejudice.
In short, the Commission provided ISKCON with an important opportunity
to implement its Wiesbaden principles; an opportunity that ISKCON
took to heart and committed itself to.
The effect of the Commission's final report may be less exciting.
Significantly, the issue of biased propaganda against religious
minorities was not sufficiently addressed or restricted by the Commission
and continues to produce prejudice and anxiety. The rift between
academic analysis of such minorities on one side and the continuation
of the anti-cult-propaganda on the other side is still wide. There
are no practical plans on the Commission's part to develop a dialogue
or an exchange of information.
Conclusion
ISKCON in Germany is learning from its past - from its successes
and its mistakes. Senior members of the institution's management
team are listening to critical feedback, from inside and outside
the movement, and sincerely trying to address the issues raised.
Internal problems are discussed in public forums, and there is greater
access for members to influence executive decisions.
The willingness to discuss publicly difficult problems is even
greater on the international level, especially in England and the
USA. Recently the ISKCON Communications Journal published
an article on past child abuse in ISKCON-run schools in the USA
and India. The authors of this article were a scholar and his researcher,
neither of whom were ISKCON devotees.
Not even declared anti-cult parties had published as many facts
on this issue. Therefore, we are moving into a situation where ISKCON
is becoming a reliable, primary source of objective information
about itself. It is currently providing more information, both positive
and negative, about itself than the cult action groups.
These developments are strategic and vital if ISKCON is to survive
into its next thirty years, if even its own membership is to continue
taking it seriously. Internally, dialogue and a self-critical approach
have become the rule in ISKCON Germany. Thus the step to participate
in genuine dialogue outside of ISKCON has become much easier and
more rewarding for its members.
Almost all of ISKCON Germany's management is staffed by second
generation members. The guru and sannyasa disciples of Srila Prabhupada,
ISKCON's founder, are withdrawing from these positions, and it is
expected that in the future they will be responsible only for their
individual missionary projects. This is a significant development,
as the second generation's perspective on social integration differs
greatly from that of the first generation. For instance, the push
for the Wiesbaden conference and the initiatives for dialogue with
scholars and church representatives came from second generation
members.
The greatest need now, if ISKCON is to realise its capacity for
further integration, is for a better exchange of information and
further examination and research. Anxiety arises mainly from ignorance.
If we can establish forums for dialogue, mediation, study or round-
table discussion, with all interest groups represented, the communication
necessary to alleviate hostility and ignorance can begin to take
place. For this to happen, ISKCON must look for help to its partner
in dialogue, German society.
Is German society presently willing and capable of receiving ISKCON?
ISKCON will remain an outsider until individual scholars, churchmen
and politicians open the door. This will take great moral courage,
a courage that is already beginning to be shown by various representatives
of society. We are depending on the help and reciprocation of society
in general, so that ISKCON can take its place in the German Republic
and make a positive social contribution.
Notes
(1) Founded in 1992.
(2) Formed by the GBC in 1997.
(3) The reference here is to
the paper 'ISKCON Deutschland: Rückblick und Ausblick', by
Daya Dasi. The relevant passage reads as follows: 'The role of the
the temple, or asrama, has also changed. ISKCON centres are
now primarily places of education, worship and mission. Vaisnavas
receive their spiritual education in the temple, after which most
of them marry and establish a family.'
(4) In this paper the term 'second
generation' is used to refer to Srila Prabhupada's grand-disciples
(his disciples' disciples), rather than the children of Srila Prabhupada's
disciples.
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