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Charles Selengut
Part Two
NB. The footnotes for this article are linked to a separate
footnote page.
Prabhupada and the Organisation of ISKCON
While Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada was the charismatic messenger
of Krishna consciousness, he was also in the early years of the
ISKCON movement (1966-1970) a very practical "manager", a kind of
CEO, who maintained a vital interest in the financial and organisational
life of the fledgling movement. He was not removed from the everyday
life of the movement, and was aware and responsive to the economic,
social and legal challenges facing ISKCON. His disciples were much
impressed with what they called his "practicality", "business sense"
and even "worldliness". To these disciples, this was additional
evidence of the uniqueness of their leader. "He could move", said
one disciple, "from the most complicated philosophical discussion
to the details of real estate contracts with utter ease." When discussing
financial matters, a long-time disciple explains:
Prabhupada was the most practical. At those times
we used to call him the "managing director". Anyone who saw him
at these times and had a sentimental idea of guru was set straight.
We, who are supposed to be practical Americans, just could not
match him.7
What impressed many of his young followers were Prabhupada's
multifaceted activities as spiritual teacher, administrator, priest,
counsellor, musician and, for some, even master cook. The religious
figures, if any, already known to the early followers were primarily
religious functionaries or teachers in contemporary Christian or
Jewish religious settings. Such persons may have been very much
committed to their religious duties, but interaction with their
congregations was primarily impersonal and role-orientated-what
sociologists term "secondary relations". To his disciples, Prabhupada
was different. He was an Indian guru who was a complete "spiritual
master" to them, and his teachings extended to the totality of their
being.
Prabhupada's acumen in organising ISKCON was made possible
by the clarity of his religious vision, and his willingness to be
flexible and innovative in pursuit of his goals. Flexibility in
both theological and ritual matters could be incorporated into his
leadership not only because he was the charismatic prophet-his decisions
had the quality of absolute truth-but also because he knew beforehand
the limits of innovation and compromise. As one initiated into an
orthodox Hindu tradition and authorised to represent it as a teacher,
Prabhupada was restrained by the parameters of that tradition, and
any organisational innovations took place within traditionally prescribed
religious guidelines. The presence of such "controlled change" enabled
the movement to respond to changing social conditions and organisational
needs while maintaining conformity with the strictures of Vaishnava
traditions and its sacred texts.
The theme of flexibility amidst tradition-change and
continuity-is particularly seen in Prabhupada's religious gradualism.
He did not introduce the full Indian religious liturgy immediately,
but waited, adding little by little, so that by 1969-1970 temple
practices (and ascetic discipline) were almost the equivalent of
their Indian counterparts. In the early period (1966-1968) temple
services were informal, and to a degree, even spontaneous, expressions
of the particular group that happened to assemble. Though the Hare
Krishna mantra was chanted at each meeting, the formal structure
of the Indian ritual was not yet followed. Thomas J. Hopkins (1983:105),
an early scholarly observer of ISKCON, noted that "people would
come in off the street bringing whatever instrument they happened
to play and simply dive into the bhajan.Very few really knew
at that point that there was a formal structure." Gradually, however,
these informal gatherings gave way to a more structured and traditional
form of worship. By 1969, Hopkins (1983:107) tells us:
Disciples now celebrate daily worship with morning
puja to the image of Krishna in their temple shrine and with evening
kirtana, celebrate Hindu holy days, perform regular daily chanting
of rounds of Krishna mantras using their bead rosaries, have learned
Indian musical styles and adopted Indian food and dress, and in
an amazing way, for such a short period of time, have assimilated
their living patterns to a Hindu model.
The early initiations of disciples were also frequently
spontaneous and informal affairs, as were the first ISKCON weddings.
Some of the early devotees were not even clear as to the full meaning
of the "regulative principles"-the rules prohibiting meat-eating,
intoxication, illicit sex and gambling. Prabhupada's willingness
to be flexible and tolerate ambiguity made the transition of Krishna
consciousness to America possible. A premature demand for complete
ritual and personal religious orthodoxy might have left ISKCON stillborn.
Satsvarupa dasa Goswami, Prabhupada's official biographer,
tells us (1981:28) that in the early years, Prabhupada would initiate
his followers as disciples despite their inexperience and ritual
laxity, as long as he felt they were spiritually serious:
One night in the temple, during the question-and-answer sessions,
a big, bearded fellow raised his hand and asked Prabhupada, "Can
I become initiated?"
The brash public request annoyed some of Prabhupada's followers,
but Prabhupada was serene. "Yes", he replied. "But first you must
answer two questions. Who is Krishna?"
The boy thought for a moment and said, "Krishna is God."
"Yes", Prabhupada replied. "And who are you?"
Again the boy thought for a few moments and then replied, "I am
the servant of God."
"Very good", Prabhupada said. "Yes, you can be initiated tomorrow."
But Prabhupada's ritual and cultural flexibility and
gradualism had distinct boundaries. When some early followers told
him that Americans don't like to hear that sex is meant only for
conceiving children, Prabhupada replied, "I cannot change the philosophy
to please the Americans." When Steve Goldstein, an early ISKCON
attorney and supporter protested, "Sex is a very strong force. What
a man feels for a woman is undeniable", Prabhupada (S. Goswami,
1980:239) replied,
Therefore in every culture there is the institution
of marriage. You can get yourself married and live peacefully
with one woman, but the wife should not be used as a machine for
sense gratification. Sex should be restricted to once a month
and only for the propagation of children.
Prabhupada was opposed to the central values and behavioural
norms of Western culture. His attitude toward Western civilisation,
much like other radical critics of modernity, was that "the skills
should be pursued, but the values rejected."8
A consistent theme in his teaching was the ontological inferiority
of Western culture. As the heir of an Eastern religious tradition,
Prabhupada rejected the underlying premises of Western modernism,
its scientism, its understanding of the human condition and its
aesthetic sense. He saw the religious traditions of India as superior
to Western forms. These perceptions and attitudes left Prabhupada
free to be organisationally innovative, because all such modifications
took place on the level of technique, and did not include theological
or value compromise. Bhaktivedanta's vision was certain: his aim
was to transplant an ancient Indian religious tradition to the West.
The various adjustments, reorganisations, or redefinitions he made
were but means for the realisation of this one superordinate goal.
Though he was opposed to the fundamental assumptions
of Western culture, he was conscious of what he referred to as the
importance of "time, place and circumstance". In deference to American
norms, Prabhupada cautioned his American-born devotees to follow
established organisational forms in the day-to-day administration
of ISKCON. In a letter to temple leaders dated October 13, 1969
(T. K. Goswami, 1984:188), he put it this way:
I have seen the agenda of your presidents' meeting.
This is nice. One thing should be followed, however, as your countrymen
are more or less independent spirited and lovers of democracy.
So everything should be done very carefully so that their sentiments
may not be hurt. According to Sanskrit moral principles, everything
has to be acted, taking consideration of the place, audience and
time.
In the early years of ISKCON, Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada
was the authority who made the decisions (he even disbursed petty
cash) and, as the Indian tradition dictates, expected and received
complete obedience from his followers. But it would be a misunderstanding
to interpret this as encouraging passivity and restricting initiative
among his disciples. Prabhupada delegated to his followers the task
of administering and developing ISKCON as a religious institution
with a solid financial base. In many cases, disciples with little
prior experience were sent out to accomplish major undertakings,
and, through commitment and support of the ISKCON community, were
often quite successful. "Prabhupada's men", as his most intimate
devotees came to be known, were not indecisive types who could be
easily intimidated. In extant documents, they appear determined,
goal oriented and highly competent. Although Prabhupada spoke in
a theological way of submission to the master, he does not appear
to have been surrounded by "yes men".
Prabhupada's leadership was also typified by a kind
of resourcefulness that seems to be typical of charismatic leaders.
He was the type of leader who, when confronted with difficulty in
realising a particular plan of action, would "come up with another
that bypassed the obstacle",9
with each plan legitimated theologically in terms of sacred text.
When Jayananda, president of the San Francisco temple, complained
to Prabhupada that the temple community was facing economic hardship
because only a few devotees worked, while the rest spent the day
exclusively in devotional activities, Prabhupada (TK Goswami, 1984:26)
addressed a group of San Francisco devotees:
It is not fair that the entire burden is on Jayananda.
All the brahmacaris may also get jobs. Devotees should
not be lazy, idle class. Our temples are not meant for simply
eating and sleeping. We are not afraid to work. Whatever our engagement
is, by offering the result to Krishna we become Krishna conscious.
Just like Arjuna. He wanted to give up working. But Krishna would
not allow. Krishna said, "You are a soldier. Your business is
to fight, but fight for Me!" Everyone should be fully engaged.
In the morning hold kirtana and class. Then take some
prasadam and go out and work for Krishna all day long. Then
in the evening come back together for holding more kirtana
and class. Is there any difficulty?
As a consequence of Prabhupada's directions, the schedule
of prayer-study-work-prayer-study became the established order of
temple life. What is interesting about this change is its "controlled
quality"-its blend of behavioural transformation and theological
motivation. Put differently, the new behaviours are clear responses
to economic need, but the motivational vocabulary used to legitimise
the new pattern is cast in sacred terms.
Charisma and Religious Leadership
A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada challenged the basic beliefs,
morals and behaviour patterns of modern culture, and did so appealing
to what he claimed was the older and wiser Indian religious tradition.
Surely he used logic and reason in his preaching of Krishna consciousness,
but in the final analysis, those visitors to his early temples who
became disciples did so because of their belief, trust and faith
in the teaching and personality of Prabhupada. Their willingness
to accept him as guru enabled them to reject their former cultural
lives and social identities.
The powerful experience of charismatic leadership, and
the belief engendered by membership that the charismatic community
is anchored in ultimate truth and guided by divine providence, results
in a radical relativising of other belief systems and cultural worlds.
As Weber points out, charisma is always in tension with the "world".
Ultimate truth is understood as being located in the prophetic community
and revealed only through the pronouncements of the charismatic
prophet. Other cultures, religions and belief systems are viewed
as lesser ontological entities.
The goals and beliefs of the charismatic community are
seen by believers as central for all humanity-so much so that at
times the conventional rules or procedures of the majority culture
can be legitimately circumvented for the furtherance of the group's
goals and programs. ISKCON, like other charismatic movements, finds
itself, therefore, in tension with the "world". Charisma cuts both
ways: it functions both to maintain commitment to the charismatic
group and to de-emphasise loyalty to "the world". It also enables
charismatic leaders to violate rules and procedures in order to
achieve strongly desired goals.
Only a very special type of religious leader can motivate
followers to charismatic commitment without permitting himself or
the group the unbridled excesses possible with charismatic authority/commitment.
Prabhupada appears to have been this type of authentic charismatic
leader, and we can only speculate as to why this is so.
Prabhupada grew up in a cultural milieu where the guru
and religious devotion were an accepted, taken-for-granted part
of everyday life. The guru in Indian culture "rightfully" expects
obedience and loyalty from the disciple, but, in turn, is himself
restrained by social, historical, and religious rules and procedures.
The system of disciplic succession, parampara, is an attempt to
wed commitment and restraint, individuality and tradition, in religious
interaction and teaching. Prabhupada internalised this norm, and
his leadership, therefore, was marked by both charismatic and traditional
authority. Charisma gave him the ability to innovate, to transplant
the Krishna tradition to America, while the traditional role of
guru provided structural checks and balances.
Charismatic gurus evidently are not easily made. Among
the problems facing ISKCON after the passing of Prabhupada is the
difficulty of establishing authority figures in the movement who
are both charismatic and yet anchored fully in the Krishna tradition
of guruship. While many aspire to this position, there are few who
can effectively combine personal charisma and traditional authority.
But is a cultural explanation sufficient to explain
Prabhupada's successful leadership? As we have shown, a charismatic
movement such as ISKCON comes about as a consequence of (1) the
presence of widespread social dissatisfaction and distress, and
(2) the availability of an ideology which promises relief, presented
by (3) a leader who, by dint of personal strengths and powers, can
convince those in distress that he, indeed, has a solution. Prabhupada
responded to those who were searching. But it was the unique confluence
of Prabhupada's perceived wisdom, piety and his prophetic confidence
that convinced these seekers that the "solution" was available.
Any religious message, no matter how appealing and timely, requires
an authentic charismatic leader who embodies that message for it
to be accepted by prospective followers.
Most scholarly studies of charismatic movements have
emphasised the supposed psychological gains to be got from membership,
but have not considered the experience of prophetic charisma as
an explanatory variable itself. Studies of religious movements and
religious conversions, however, need to consider the experience
of charisma as a sui generis reality in religious life, akin
to what Rudolf Otto termed "the holy" or what Durkheim specified
as "the social" in The Rules of Sociological Method. Is it
not possible to acknowledge the experience of charisma as a motivating
force in religious movements and conversions without entirely reducing
this experience to psychological states or sociological categories?
Back to Part One
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